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Mesopotamian place

Uruk


An entire archaeological period is named after it, which is a fair measure of how much happened here. Between roughly 4000 and 3100 BCE the settlement at Uruk — Warka in modern Arabic, Erech in the Hebrew Bible — grew into something no one had built before: a dense population in the tens of thousands, monumental architecture on an unprecedented scale, mass-produced pottery, specialised full-time labour, and, at the end of it, writing.

The epic that made it famous knows exactly what it is selling. Gilgamesh opens and closes with the city's walls, and in between it gives a survey: one sar of city, one sar of date-gardens, one sar of clay pits, and a half-sar for the temple of Ishtar — three and a half sar is Uruk's measure. A poem about the fear of death pauses to quote land areas, because the walls and the acreage are the answer it eventually offers.

Two precincts, two gods

The city had a divided sacred centre, and the division is theologically loaded. The Eanna, "house of heaven", belonged to Inanna; the neighbouring high terrace with its White Temple is generally associated with Anu. Which of them held the Eanna first, and how the goddess came to dominate a house named for the sky, is one of the quieter puzzles in Sumerian religion, and it recurs in the pattern of a younger deity taking over an older one's establishment.

In the last centuries of cuneiform, Seleucid-era Uruk reversed it. Scholars and priests there raised a new complex called the Bit Resh and rewrote the city's liturgical calendar around the sky god and his consort, leaving Inanna a diminished share of a precinct that had carried her standards for three thousand years. That deliberate archaism is described from the god's side on the Anu page.

Where writing was found

The archaic tablets from the Eanna precinct — level IV, around 3300 BCE — are the earliest writing known. They are not literature and not proclamations. They are accounts: quantities of grain, beer, textiles and livestock, personnel allocations, ration lists, recorded in proto-cuneiform signs alongside numerals in several distinct counting systems, one for discrete objects, another for grain capacity, another for area.

Two things follow. First, writing was invented to run a temple economy rather than to record speech, and it took several centuries before anyone used it for a sentence. Second, one of the very earliest texts is the Standard Professions List, a ranked enumeration of occupations and titles which scribes went on copying for something like a thousand years after the job titles in it had ceased to mean anything — the world's first document to be preserved out of pure conservatism.

The precursors are here too: clay tokens, and the hollow clay envelopes with tokens sealed inside and impressed on the outside, which are the intermediate step between counting objects and writing numbers.

Objects that left and came back

Two of the finest things ever made in Mesopotamia come from this site, and both have modern histories.

The Warka Vase, a metre-high carved alabaster vessel of around 3200 BCE, shows a procession in registers — water and plants at the bottom, animals above, naked men carrying produce above that, and at the top an offering presented at the reed-bundle standards of Inanna. It is the earliest narrative relief anywhere. The Warka Mask, a life-size marble face of about the same date, originally inlaid and set on a wooden body, is the earliest naturalistic representation of a human face at that scale.

Both were looted from the Iraq Museum in April 2003. The mask was recovered within months, buried in a garden north of Baghdad. The vase was returned that summer in the boot of a car, broken into pieces — it had already been repaired once in antiquity, and it has been restored again.

The walls, and Gilgamesh

The circuit attributed to Gilgamesh is real and traceable: roughly nine and a half kilometres of mudbrick, with hundreds of towers, enclosing an area of several square kilometres. That is a very large engineering project for the mid-third millennium, and it is the sort of thing that gets a ruler remembered. Whether the man who built it is the man in the poem is beyond what the evidence can settle, but the wall was attributed to him by Mesopotamians themselves and the attribution is early.

German expeditions have worked at Warka since 1912 and continue to, with long interruptions for wars, and the site is inscribed on the World Heritage list along with the southern marshes.

The long ending

Unlike Eridu, Uruk did not empty out. It was occupied continuously for something like five thousand years, through Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Persian, Seleucid and Parthian rule, and its temples were still functioning and still producing scholarly tablets in the last centuries BCE, long after Sumerian had died as a spoken language and Aramaic had replaced Akkadian in the street. Astronomical and ritual texts from late Uruk are among the most technically sophisticated cuneiform documents that exist. The tradition ends slowly, in specialist hands, with the latest datable cuneiform tablets — astronomical almanacs — falling in the first century CE.

Points readers raise

Does the name "Iraq" come from Uruk?

It is one of several proposals and it is not established. The Arabic al-ʿIrāq has also been derived from a Persian word for the lowlands, and from an Arabic root relating to riverbanks or to deep-rootedness. The Uruk derivation is attractive and circulates widely; it has not been demonstrated, and the honest answer is that the etymology is genuinely uncertain.

Why did cities start here rather than somewhere with better resources?

Southern Iraq has almost nothing except water, mud and reeds — no stone, no metal, no timber — and that is now generally read as part of the explanation rather than a difficulty. A very productive irrigated agriculture supports a large population; an absolute dependence on imports for everything else forces long-distance trade, storage, redistribution and record-keeping; and those requirements produce the temple economy, the administrative apparatus and eventually the tablet. Scarcity of materials and abundance of grain in the same place is an unusual combination, and it is the one that generated the city.

Was Inanna's temple really staffed by sacred prostitutes?

The claim rests mainly on Herodotus, writing about Babylon centuries later and at second hand, and on a set of Akkadian terms for women attached to temples whose duties are far less clear than older translations implied. Specialists have spent thirty years dismantling the institution as usually described. What is documented is a large temple household employing many women in defined roles, a body of erotic cult poetry, and a royal marriage rite of contested character. That is interesting enough without the version in the guidebooks, and the same caution applies to the goddess herself, whose actual portfolio is set out on the Inanna page.

Elsewhere in Mesopotamian mythology